Religion Beliefs, Rituals And Festivals

RELIGION BELIEFS, RITUALS AND FESTIVALS AMONG KONDA REDDI OF POLAVARAM MANDAL IN WEST GODAVARI DISTRICT OF ANDHRA PRADESH. DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO ANDHRA UNIVERSITY FOR AWARD OF MASTER OF ARTS IN ANTHROPOLOGY DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY ANDHRA UNIVERSITY VISAKHAPATNAM 2009 – 2010 D E C L A R A T I O N I hereby declare that the dissertation entitled “Religion Beliefs, Rituals And Festivals Among Konda Reddi Of Polavaram Mandal In West Godavari District Of Andhra Pradesh’’ submitted by me to the Department of Anthropology, Andhra University, Waltair for the Degree of M.A. Anthropology is original and has not been submitted previously in any past or full to any University or published at any time. Place: Visakhapatnam Date: C E R T I F I C A T E Certified that this is a genuine and bonafide work of M.A (Final) Anthropology on the subject entitled “Religion Beliefs, Rituals And Festivals Among Konda Reddi Of Polavaram Mandal In West Godavari District Of Andhra Pradesh’’, submitted as a partial fulfillment of M.A Degree in Anthropology of Andhra University. This work is original and it has not been submitted in part or full to this University or to any other University or published at any time. RESEARCH SUPERVISOR HEAD OF THE DEPARTMENT C O N T E N T S CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION CHAPTER II AREA AND PEOPLE CHAPTER III SPIRITS, SOULS AND DEITIES CHAPTER IV LIFE CYCLE CEREMONIES CHAPTER V FESTIVALS CHAPTER VI CONCLUSIONS BIBLIOGRAPHY A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S I am very much obliged to Prof. Ch. Bapu Haranth, Head of the Department of Anthropology, Andhra University for suggesting me this very interesting topic. I would like to express my sincere appreciation to my Research Supervisor, guide and advisor Sri. D. Ramesh, Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology, who has been supporting me from the time I showed interest in my PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT OF M.A., DEGREE IN ANTHROPOLOGY. I extend my thanks to Prof. V. Subramanyam and Prof. J.M.Naidu and also thankful to them for never doubting my abilities and skills, and for taking me to the next level, with there keen interest and valuable guidance throughout my field work period and all other Teaching staff of the Department of Anthropology, Andhra University, Visakhapatnam, for providing me the necessary research facilities, encouragement, and valuable suggestions for completion of my field work. I would also like to extend my appreciation to Research Scholars S.V. Prasad Rao, Valluri Jayasri, P. Appalanaidu (Student) and MOPADA NANI BABU (Research Scholar & Project Fellow, UGC SAP, DRS-I) who supported me in so many immeasurable ways and for computerization of this dissertation work. My heartfelt thanks and appreciation go to my friends and colleagues for sharing the work load with me, especially in the field work. The blessing and moral support, encouragement and cooperation extended by my dearest parents and my family members (Sister’s & Brother-in-law’s) gave me strength to strive hard to complete the work in time. I owe a deep sense of gratitude to all the Konda Reddi of Polavaram Mandal who could spare their time for my work, without whose cooperation, this study would not have been possible. ANDHRA PRADESH CHAPTER – I INTRODUCTION Religion often referred to as concerning faith and beliefs, speaks of imaginations, of fantasy, of things and affairs not having any concern with realities that surround us. Yet it’s universal presence as a category of cultural and the emotional esteem with which its followers are associated with it everywhere and in all human societies make it a subject of immense importance to study. Despite the positive knowledge that death is inevitable, fear from death and fear of the death constitute the core of all supernaturalism as a term stands for many kinds of beliefs and faith in the existence of the world beyond the world of our experience, peopled by the powers, force are entities of human imagination. The elements of chance and need for a mechanism to avoid failure of asp rational fulfillment is one of the strongest incentive for supernaturalism. In ever culture, despite on technological achievements, there are always areas of inadequacies. No culture is a perfect copying device. The areas of inadequacies leave behind un full filled desires and the aspirations of peoples. Also despite all rational calculations, there are unpredictable events and hazards posing challenge to the survival of the people. Positive knowledge of science and technology has its limitation. The world of beliefs and fifth is a elastic nature. When positive knowledge fails, man to man and man to nature relational organization are rendered futile, then man establishes his communication with the cosmos. All supernaturalism is man to cosmos relation and communication. The procedures of communication are mystic beyond reason and abound by faith. There are four forms of expression of supernaturalism in human societies and cultures which have been attested ethnographically. These are religion, magic, totemism and taboo. It was only when Tylor come out which convincing proof that primitive societies have their own versions religious activities not very different from the civilized societies that a category of primitive religion became a subject of anthropological discussions. DEFINITION AND NOTION OF RELIGION: The above mentioned four kinds of super naturalistic expressions are differentiated much in terms of nature of supernatural powers and their functions. Some kind of mysticism and other worldliness is common all of them. When supernatural powers are conceived as personalities, bodies and entities with human characteristics who can listen and sympathies but unlike human beings they are believed to be capable of doing any thing, nothing is imposable for them. There is a variety in belief patterns, rights and rituals that it is difficult to bring all of them with in the limited capacity of words define. A very generalized but none the less a cogent definition was given by Durhiem as ‘consisting of beliefs and practices concerning supernaturalism beings and powers’ –‘a unify system of beliefs and rituals’. Beliefs provide ideological bases to religion. In religion, the elements of faith have a binding influence. A religious community is bound by a common faith. Faith can not be analyzed rationally nor do beliefs have any logical bases. Both, faith and beliefs together provide that elasticity which is the bases of all supernaturalism. Thus, religion is the human response to the apprehension of some thing or power which is supernatural and super sensory. David bidney categorized religion as a mentifact as the world of man’s belief and his conception it of a supernatural world are products of human mental exercise. RELIGION AND SYMBOLISM: Clifford geertz holds that there are two objectives of anthropologists in studying religions. Firstly an analysis of the system of meanings embodied in the symbols which make up religion. Secondly relating these symbols to social structural and psychological processes. According to him, constitutive symbols are often latent, patterns of the most General kind in their implications. Religious symbols are constitutive in character. Moral evaluative symbols are integrative. Religious ideas are always expressed through symbols which carry meaningful and integrative message for the society of which they are a part. Ritual constitutes the behavioral concomitant of religion. It is Always a patterned activity of numerous ‘rires’which is defined as Acts which are directed to supernatural. They constitute a highly expressive form of symbolism. ‘Ravana’ or ‘maishasur,’ a symbol of evil burnt and killed ritually and ceremoniously every year in Dushehra and durga-puja ritual inculcates, enhances and fortifies the faith of the people in the powers of their-world of belief. It is this element of faith integrates or binds people in a community of Common faith. FUNCTIONS OF RELIGION: Anthropological studies of ‘religion’ have been mainly concerned with the origin and evaluation of religion in earlier phase. Later On the emphasis was changed to its functional interpretation. The Earlier scholars like Tylor and Maxmuller saw it has a response to Man’s intellectual needs. Religion makes to meet the basic needs of society. The function of religion has to be assessed in Terms of the contribution it makes to meet such social prerequisites. Emile Durkhiem’s views on religion probably because a turning point from early evolution and origin concern of functional analysis of religion in Anthropology. In his book, the Elementary Forms of Religious Life, Durkhiem argues that all societies divide the world of their experience into two broad categories the scared and non scared or profane. According to Durhiem, all most any thing could be sacred as they are considered to present some thing and there fore act as symbol. Durkhiem developed these ideas from these observations on the religion of various groups of Australian aborigines. The functions of clan’s solidarity among them attracted him most. Each clan was associated with a ‘totem –usually an animal species simply symbolized the group (clan) and was deemed as an emblem. Durkhiem, further analyzing the concept sacred, held that sacred kins are considered superior in dignity and power to profane things and particularly man. It is relationship between man and scared things which is exactly the relationship between and society. According to Durkhiem, primitive man comes to view society has something scared because of his utter dependence on society. He argues, that society life is impossible without the shared values and moral believes which from the collective conscience in the absence of which there will be no social order, social control or social solidarity or cooperation. Religion, according to Durkhiem, emphasizes the importance of collective worship.infused with the drama of reverences, the social group comes into existence in human psychy in religious rituals and it finds expression in their faith in common values and beliefs. Ritual congregations strengthen the integration of society. However, as he based his conclusions on the most primitive way of life of the Austrilian aborigines, his conclusions about the function of the religion are less relevant to modern societies which have many sub-cultures, social and ethnic groups, specialized organizations and a range of religious beliefs, practices and institutions. MALINOWSKI’S VIEW: Functionalist tradition of studies in anthropology was well established by Malinowski, though his ideas on function were greatly influenced by Durkhiem’s thinking. Its function is to relieve e the human mind from fear and the other emotional strains, instilling a sense of confidence in him and work as anxiety reducing mechanism. RADCLIFFE – BROWN’S VIEWS: Radcliff – brown, anotherBritish anthropologists expressed himself differently on the function of religion. He lays emphasis on the fact of human dependence on the group hence, according to him; the survival of the group is the fore most in the survival of the individual. Many anthropologists sized on the explanatory function of religion in providing answers to the ultimate meanings. MODERN SOCIOLOGICAL VIEW: DYSFUNCTION OF RELIGION Talcott parsons: Parson’s view is not much different from anthropological viewpoint when he says that human action is directed and controlled by norms provided by the social system. But cultural system provides more general guidelines for action in the form of beliefs, values and systems of meaning. Religion as a part of cultural system and religious beliefs, provide guidelines for human action by establishing general principles and moral beliefs, as part of cultural system, religious beliefs give meaning to life. Some of the modern sociologists like charte glock and Rodney find it difficult to reconcile with the general theory with considerable evidence of religious conflicts. Marxism regards religion functions as an instrument of oppression. RELIGION AND POLITICS: The skins of religion and politics are composed of separate threads, yet they are woven into the tape sty that is society. Sometimes carefully separated, each forming its own design but at time inter-twined joining church and state in one pattern. Headman chiefs and kings are specialists in controlling the actions of individuals and groups; a politician uses religious means for political purposes when he acquires control over religious power. Supernaturalism is so ubiquitous in the primitive world that it effects all the groups to a greater or lesser extent. Political officials invariably posses some magic power or religious sanctity. Judicial procedures inevitably involve religious rituals. RELIGION AND ECONOMY In formal science of Economics, religion has no role to perform in economy. Economy defined as the management off basic needs of life relies basically on human effort of organizing with the help of technology to extract essentials from the environment. As such economics is basically a question of Man-Nature relationship. But, whatever the means and modes of production, food is the most basic necessity and procurement or production of food is often surrounded by many kinds of uncertainties on which man has no control. To assure regular food supply then, Man has to take a recou8rse to religion. Many complex magico-relgious rituals are organized by hunting and fishing communities to assure their success in hunting and fishing expeditions. To horticulturists and even advanced cultivators, suitable climatic conditions and timely occurrence of rains is a must. Religious offerings, sacrifices and prayers are ritually organized to invoke supernatural powers to sustain man’s confidence. THE QUESTION OF ORIGIN OF RELIGION: The scientific study of religion has had relatively little develo0pment. Yet, many of the basic data required for the objective, comparative study of religion are available to us pleasuring the last century by scholars in the social sciences. Information on exotic religion provided many examples of apparent diversity. Similarities in religions are in part reflections of the essential uniformity of human nature. Variations were seen to depend chiefly upon extra somatic factors, external to human organism. The 19th century scholars of religion were strongly concerned with the questions of the origin and evolution of religion. The antiquity and universality of religion led many anthropologists to speculate about its aerogun, several theories of the origin of religion were presented and its subsequent evolution culminating in monotheism. PSYCHOLOGICAL THEORIES: One of the oldest theories of origin of religion was the theory of Ride Brasses that religion originated in ‘fetishism’ –the worship of in-animate things and of animals by coastakl Negroes of West Africa which developed into polytheism and polytheism into monotheism. This theory was in acceptance until the middle of the last century when it was replaced by psychological theories. Psychological theories had to contest with others of nature-myth-school. Herbert Spencer: Aman from whom anthropology has obtained certain most important methodological concepts devoted a large part of his book “the Principles of Sociology’ to a discussion of Primitive beliefs and practices. though he interpreted them not much differently than E.B. Tylor and his book was’ published after lors’ Primitive culture’, has views were crystallized much before his book appeared in print. Primitive man. According to him, acquired the notion of duality from his observation of such phenomenon as sun, moon, stars and clouds which come and go. They are visible and invisible hence the logic that if other things could be dualities, why not Man? His shadow and his reelection in evader also come and go. But it is dreams which are the real experiences to primitive peoples which chiefly gave man the idea of his own duality and identified the dream with self which wanders at night with the shadow of self which appears by day, this idea of duality is fortified by experiences of various forms of temporary insensibility such as sleeping,. Hallucinations and catalepsy etch so that death itself comes to be thought so as prolonged form of insensibility,. And if man has a double soul, by some reasoning, animal, plants, material objects have one E.B.Tylor: The word ‘Animism’ was Tylor’s coinage for his theory of origin of religion, which is very similar to that of Spencer –though the word ‘ anima’ implies, according to grim, the idea of ‘soul’ rather than of ‘ghost’. However, in anthropological literature, there exists some ambiguity about the term ‘animism’, as it is sometimes employed in the sense of the belief of the primitive peoples that not only creatures but also inanimate objects, have life and personality and they have souls. Tylor’s theory coheres both the senses. James Frazer: Frazer’s entire monumental work, ‘The Golden Bough’ is devoted to Primitive superstitions. According to Frazer, mankind everywhere and sooner or later, passes thought three stag4es of intellectual development from magic to religion and from religion to science, a scheme he must have taken from Comte’s phases the theological, the metaphysical and the positivistic. His other contemporaries also believed that magic precedes religion. Eventually, Fazed says, some people discovered that magic did not really achieve its ends, they fell into another illusion that there were spiritual beings w3ho could do it Animatism / Manaism: The great advance in Ethnography in the last decades of the 19th century and in early 20th century provided later writers abundance of information of better quality. While Frazer differed from Tylor unit claiming a pro-rel8gion stage of Magic. The other writers also took the same view. It was Wilhelm Schmidt for example, who expressed the opinion that ghosts and spirits were the ideas too sophisticated for rude men, so there must be ban earlier stage than animism. A ‘Mama’ stage in which the idea of luck, of the canny and uncanny and was the sole constituent of the supernatural. SOCIOLOGICAL THEORIES: The primitive beliefs and rites may help rude peoples to cope with their problems and misfortunes eradicating despair, which inhibits action. That religion is valuable if it serves the purpose of giving comfort and a feeling of security, confidence and a fleecing if secret, confidence and relief. In general, sociological theories of religion hold that religion is valuable in the contribution that it makes for social cohesion and continuity. TOTEMISM: The word ‘totem’ is an anglicized word derived from ‘Todam’ in North American Indian tribes. It referees to a wide Spreader, but by no menace Universal phenomena among into Societies where groups usually clans, are associated with some animal or clan sepses the members of which have mystic relation ship with them. They regard these animal or plant sepses as they common ancestor and these animal or plants sepses as their ‘Totems’ and they refrain from killing or destroying their totems, a practiced which is tabooed. Firstly, that it service to provide a bond of unity for a whole society, religion is the ideological basis for the notion of church and the church is the whole society collected in worship of its shared, publics, symbols. Secondly, it gives special place in people’s consciousness to these centers organizing symbols of a society. It makes them “sacred” derived from the Australian totemism; they may also be treated as the secular functions of totemism. RITES – DE – PASSAGE: There are the rites (rituals) which mark the transition of an individual from one social status to another in almost all the societies such as Conception, Birth puberty, Marriage, Death, etc., are important and critical events of the life cycle and are surrounded by religious ritual. In the third phase he or she is finally incorporated in the new group with new status. The rituals and symbols of this phase are those of rebirth. MAGIC: Magic is another form of supernaturalism which as very often been differentiated from religion in having a different nature of supernatural power of human conception and belief and therefore requiring a different kind of human approach to Supernatural powers. In its essence, magic assumes the world of supernatural consisting of mechanical forces in control of man. Unlike magic, in religion the supernatural powers are conceived as entities with characteristics, which can listen and act in a decisive manner having consciousness. He is in commend and control of the mechanically operating supernatural forces and manipulates themes and when he requires certain events and situations to work in his favors. Magic involves specific ritual procedures, which if done correctly, will compel a specific and predictable result. According to Frazer, there are things used, things done and things spoken. Unlike religion-which is calendrical, magic is critical. These performed when need arises. That is always intentional with specific aims. This provided Hobble a basis for anther classification of magic. All productive and protective magic, because of their positive intentions can be groped together as white magic and the destructive magic, because of its nalacious intentions can be called as block magic. DIVINATION: Magical practices directed to obtain useful information from a super natural authority is found in societies. Divination is considered magical in as much as it is a mechanical procedure for choosing one of a set of alternative solutions when none of it is seem to be better or worse than any other. It puts an end to inclusiveness in the absence of any objective information in favor of any of them. In the event of an indecision or disagreement over a group decision, divination is a most convenient and self satisfying procedure. In the absence of any scientific information about certain alternative courses open, it helps one two choose one. In the process it infuses a sense of confidence in individual or the group about the course chosen. SORCERY: Magic performed with antisocial or malicious intention is sorcery. The intention is always to harm others. Bone pointing is a magical technique in Melanesia . the sorcear ritually imitates throwing a magical stick , either an arrow or the spine of some animal towards the direction of the individual who is intended to the harmed or killed. There is also some dramatization also in the process. The sorcerer performs the action with an aliment of expression of hatred or anger. Thrusting ,twisting or pulling are the physical acts associated with am motion which are considered essential to achieve resoles. Sorcery , like the other-forms of magic , achieves it s results indirectly by affecting the individuals emotional state. The effectiveness of sorcery depends upon the awareness of the victim that a magical ritual is being performed against him or her. The person against whom it is intended or targeted is made aware about it by indirect sources. WITCHCRAFT: Like sorcery, witchcraft is another magical device to harm another person through supernatural means. But unlike sorcery which is a cultivated art, in witches the supposed persons who are believed to have certain inherited or in born supernatural powers inherent in their body it self. They tend to enhance their efficacy by consuming rubbish and perfuming culturally disapproved acts. Since witches are held responsible for evils in the event of calamity or disease, it is believed that witches are active. Has such witch hunting follows. That is why belief in witches goes hand-in-hand-witch- hunting. Efforts are also made to undo their impacts. Thus witchcraft is a sort of magical missile, the practice of harming others at a distance through magical means. It is as old as man kind and absolutely universal. It explains evil by starting that some one is how to get one, that is why evil be fed one. Witchcraft is a social phenomenon. Like magic, it explains the occurrence of evils explanation for the existence of evil. Witches are the fellow human beings, fellow members of the village or a tribe. Rates of deaths believed to be from witchcraft vary with social and economic conditions. At times, they may reach epidemic proportions threatening the entire fabric of the whole society. Witches are punished if caught Even lynching of witches is also not unknown. The element of ill luck is rationalized by belief in witches. TABOO: The word Taboo has been derived from an oceanic word ‘Tapu’ or ‘Tabu’ which in turn refers to certain specific types of prohibitions, violation of which is believed automatically or by supernatural means to produce undesirable consequences. Such beliefs are widely spread among the primitive society observed by all the members of a society without any exception. In all these societies, the consequences of the breach are believed to be drastic and more clearly defined, such as illness, death, draught or disaster and economic failure and so on. Taboo is in fact a different kind of prohibition in the sense that it is considered as ritual prohibition. Since there are many types of acts prohibited by this term in different societies, they qualify different types of Taboos. Studies in primitive societies reveal the following four types. Food Taboos In many societies, consumption of specific food article is prohibited temporarily or permanently for the men of ranks or forbidden to women and children. Sex Taboos Certain prohibitions pertaining to sex relations are categorized as sex taboos. ‘Incest’ is an almost universal sex prohibition in primitive societies which prohibits any sex contact between the members of the same nuclear family and other closely related kinds. Religious Taboos To protect the privileges and prestige of sacred persons or sacred places there are certain types of activities and behaviors which may be prohibited for them. Protective Taboos There are certain taboos which are observed for the sake of protection. Thus, tribal chiefs and kings are not allowed to be touched by the commoners the idea behind such taboos is to provide maximum protection to the life and person of these political luminaries in tribal societies. But all taboo cannot be rationalized like that. In Polynesia, certain things as a new born child, a dead body, body of a chief is not allowed to be touched. Redcliffe-brown talks of ritual status and ritual vale in connection with taboo. According to him, taboo means ritual avoidance or prohibition. The ritual don’ts are definable in terms of ritual status. This means, a ritual prohibition is a rule of behavior which is associated with the belief that an infraction win result in an undesirable change in the ritual status of the person who fails to keep the rule. This change of rituals status is conceived in many different ways different socites. CHAPTER – II AREA AND PEOPLE The konda reddi are one of the most primitive tribes of Andhra Pradesh. The picturesque papi hill ranges (part of Eastern Ghats) on either side of the Godavari gorge in in west and east godavari besides the hilly tracts of khammam district they are also found settled in the district of visakhapatnam and warangal of Andhra Pradesh. About Nanty-five percent (95%) of konda reddis in Andhra Pradesh are concentrated in east Godavari, west Godavari and khammam districts. Ethnologically, konda means hill and Reddi means head man in telugu.They call themselves Pandava Reddi after the five Pandava brothers ,the great heroes of the epic Mahabartha, from which they trace their descent. They number 83,096 as per 2001 censes. In the past the konda Reddis have mainly depended on shifting cultivation. After India’s independence, the national forest policy has restricted shifting cultivation to certain gradients of hills .At present a majority of konda Reddis settled cultivators and Agricultural laborers. The advance of Road communication resulted in the isolation of the area from plain for a long time. The konda Reddis habitat is characterized by hilly tracks and cleared forest area of the Eastern Ghats. Konda Reddi and Dravidian group of people do not know their historic or Ethnographic account. They speak a dialect of Telugu unlike other tribes in the Eastern Gats. Konda Reddis occupy more remote and mountainous areas characterized by small close-karat communities. Most of them live in multi-ethic villages, where there is very little social stratifications. in the fast hill areas they in symliriisis with anthers tile called the koya. But their area of habitation is clearly demarcated whenever they live houses as they consider the koya a little inferior in social status. Still 80’s there was no transportation facility or roads and only in thein the recent decades due to development of road transport, implementation of tribal development schemes and establishment of Government offices, several plains people migrated to agency tracts for business. Employment and other means. Then, local tribals came into contact with non–tribal people bringing some social cultural change among koda reddis. Non-tribal contact can be considered as one of important determinant of change in the internal, social and economic life of konda reddis. There the term social is referred to mean a network of social relations roles and interaction of people in a society. While cultured applies to the artifacts, manifests, institutions, values, ideas, technology and other symbolic systems that di8rect the human behavior in the pattern med society of konda reddis though society and vulture an not synonyms they an different elements of the same complex. Cultural change is the process by which the existing order of the society is transformed from on type into another. The change occurs due to endogamous independent invention, conflicts and ewxi8bxukuations between incompatible. Prints within the system. Tirth (1951) states that interaction with other cultures introduces exogamous change. Outsider, accidental as spontaneously communicate new ideas resulting in the diffusion of selected ideas. Structural change occurs if new procedures alter or influence the basic relationship between the members of the society casually, change is brought first in technology, economy and slowly in non-natively stable and integrated flow ever, they may disintegrate flowed by reintegration in the process of social evolution by the disappearance of simple system inf airier iof cineole system Malinowski (1954) in his book “the dynamics of culture change “ clearly explained the impact of contact on culture srinivas (1972) discussed the process of cultural changer in India and intro diced the concept of sanskritization referring to the process of adoption of customs, rituals and idealgoyu of higher castes by the lower ones Redfield used the concept of great and little traditions in thestudy of cultural change and ascended that down word movement of great traditional elements ( parochialization ) and upward movement of little traditional elements (Universalization) occur due to interaction of cultures. In the present observation the fieldwork in clear Chabng ein enlfural practices and organizational setup is definitely observed in Konda Reddi society and the impact is more on people living in Kondrukota, Vadapallim, Mulagalagudem, Tekuru, cheeduru, jkorcoturu, Tellaram villages of Polavaram Mandal than Udathapalli, Sarugudu, Methararm villages of Polavarm mandal due to mare exposure and contact with alien cult eve in the farmer villages. SUB DIVISIONS: The Konda Reddis are divided into three divisions in Pandava reddi, raja reddi and Suryavamsa reddi majority of the Pandava reddi are living along the stretches of Godavari river in these clinician raja reddi and surya vamsa reddi are out numbered by pandava reddi. Pandava reddis are mostly concentrated in east and west godavari classics of Andhra Pradesh. The gotramulu [or] cleans among the konda reddis are ganga gotram and pasupati gothram. The social organization of the konda reddi is based on exogamous surnames [intiperly] each konda reddi family have a surname and follow strict exogamy at surname level. Some of the surnames of konda reddis are Chantal, lethal surnames, kulla, vetha, kondla, valla, araganta, kopala, pamileti, ect. The surnames are associated to prati-clan. Though three divisions are reposted to exist among konda reddis, they are all separate endogamous groups. The panda reddies claim that they are superior to other division. RELATION WITH OTHER TRIBES: Due to contact with hindu culture and heterogamous village structure, the contact of social hierarehy among trifles emerged gradually. The konda- reddish perceives that they are superior than other tribles. In East Godavari and west godavari district konda reddis live in symbiosis with another tribe called Koya. Even though konda reddis enjoy the higher position in social hierarchy, they didn’t enjoy the political, social superiority in the villages where they are out numbered by koyas, konda reddis accept raw food suchas fruits, vegetables from the hierarchically inferior koyas but they do notaccept cooked food and water from the koyas. In marriages ceremonies in feasts conducted by koyas, konda reddis donot eat food unless the food was cooked by konda reddis. So a separate to overcome this problem. Konda reddis are not aware fo varna system. Konda reddis as well as other triles are not very particular in their commensally relationship. The co-existence of multiple tribal groups in the area gas given rise to a broad cultural mosaic with a social, linguistic, occupational and cultural diversity. LANGUAGE: Telugu is the mother tongue of the konda reddi, which they speaker with a particuaaonda reddis because no other trile. In the eastern gnats has telugu as their mother tongue. Every trifle has its own dialect language to seake but only the konda reddis speake pure [or] chats telugu. AREA AND CLIMATE: The halite is both hilly terrain and river pal red 1000 ft above mean sea level. Climate is temperate to warm, low humidify, thin to medium forest cover and medium to above mean rainfall. The plain konda reddis live in close proximity to river godavari. During rainy season some plain villages near the banks of godavari.flooded witrf this mighty river. The climate where konda reddies are living has its influence on the food halts, deceasing pattern, accepting pattern and on the housing pattern. Climate plays a very major role in the lives of konda reddis. Whenever there are changes in climate like scanty rainfall or over rainfall it would directly effects. The economy of the Konda Reddis, ie., changes in rainfall ultimately effects on the production of the yield VILLAGE AND HOUSE: The villages where konda reddis live are usually at the foot hills by the side of river godavari and on the hill tops. The villages are relatively small with ten to hundred families. Few villages are homogenous, exclusively inhabited by konda reddis and some are heterogeneous with several tribes living together.The streets are demarcated and only a specific tribes man live in it and there is no conglomeration of houses belonging to different tribes any village of late, in some villege families from different tribes live side by side which is recent phenomenon. A typical house is square or rectangular with single room with mud plastered walls supported with bamboos. Usually the wridth is 15 it while length may be 15-20 if the height of the wall ranges from 4 to 6ft the roof is thatched and coursed with locally available palm leaves (thatiakula) all other supporting structure is made of bamboo adjacent hill forest. The roof is supported by center pole and slopes down to all four sides. Usually the roof is further extended on one side of house to from a small varanda. The room has no vindows except one entrance door. It appears that the low roofs without any ventilation are for protecting themselves from cold winds during winter season and to avoid damage to mud walls due to rains. They cook food outside the house i.e., in Varandah. They divide the varanda into two portions and use corner place for cooking and other portion to accommodate /entertain guests. Some Konda reddi houses have separate kitchen houses away from the main house. They decorate walls by applying red coloured mud and they also apply cow dung on floors and on mud walls to keep house clean they believe that this type of arrangement keeps away the insects terminates, flies etc., from the house. In some villages the NGO’s with the help of government has constructed square stopped double room, cement slab houses with entrance door, windows and lot of open space as colonies under the supervision of VRO (Village Reconstruction Organisation) .Majority of villages have housing colonies with safe drinking water facilities i.e., pumped wells, community tanks etc., even the remote most village caller udathapalli is with the provision of safe drinking water (pumps/wells/Bore wells). But the Konda reddis who reside along the banks of river godavariprefers, Godavari steam water rather than bore, water for purpose for other purposes they use bore water. During rainy season while thre godavari river is floaded with mud water they use bore water for drinking purpose some villages on the hills could be reached only by foot traits. Except for the villages locating on hill tops the villages along the foot hills and river godavari are well connected with road ways. Even the villages have cemented roads apart from road ways they use godavari as water way. They use raw boats (Naatu padava) steam boats to cross over (or) travel between villages. Konda reddis follows a unique habit of construction i.e., every Konda reddi village have separate cattle pens. They maintain cattle pens outside the village or away from the houses at village level /community level /family level / street level. This shows their interest towards hygiene. They lack lavatory facilities. Even though the Konda reddis houses have bathrooms follow open field deification. DRESS PATTERN: The Konda reddi woman’s dress consists generally of a sari, a small win cloth and in same areas also a bodice. In the hills, the women were short narrow pieces of saries which they wrap round the hips. In the plains, the woman conform more to the style of dress common among the telugu cultivating communities. Most of the Konda reddi men wear a loin cloth (gochi) i.e., a narrow strip of cloth drawn in between the legs and hoped over a twined card made of adda fibre (Bahuina Vahili) which is wound several times round the wrist forming the waist bound into the waist bond a knife or bill-hook handle upwards the blade against the skin is tucked. In chill weather, they wrap plain cotton cloth around the shoulders and some men process turbans. Dhotis and shirt have now become common with some of the Konda reddi youth. Women wear ear rings at more than one place i.e, ear lobes and helix women also wear coloured glass or artificialbangles anklets and neklets made of silver, brass or aluminium which they buy from regular weekly sandies . Married women wear toe rings on second toes. However few old men wearing ear rings on lobes are obsereved. FOOD HABITS: They are non-vegetarians and eat fish, fowl, pork, goat, forest animals (wild boar- adavi pandhi, wild sheep – Adavi gorre, Rabbit etc.,) and birds but they strictly avoid beef meat. They also consume tubers of potato ‘Savadi dhumpa’ ‘Donda dhumpa’ ‘Adavi vaimu’etc. Bamboo shoots are powedered and cooked as curry as consumed. They also use the powder of bamboo shoots as a delicacy in pappu, other curries/ Wild mushroom gravy is the delicacy of Konda reddis. They don’t’t do pulusu with mushrooms because they feel gravy is tastier than pulses. Their staple food is rice, jowar and ragi and there is a change in their food habits since generations. In the past, they consume more ragi than rice is reversed. There is a clear cut increase in the consumption of vegetables and fruits. Eligible wild fruits, roots are eaten. Usually breakfast includes gravel made of ragi (or) chaddhiannam (remaining rice of dinner with mixed water) while lunch contains rice and curries. During night they prefer more rice with curries and little ragi gruel. Consumption of dairy products is marginal. They drink country liquor, bottles alcohol. They are fond of juice (kallu) extracted from borasus palm (Thati Chettu), sagopalm (jeelugu), phoenix palm (Eetha Chettu) that is fermented to form liquor men women and children take alcoholic drinks. Men and Women smoke tobacco and chew loose tobacco. HOUSE HOLD AND AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS: Konda reddis use a dried shell of bottle guard to draw water from the pot and also to carry drinking water to fields. They also use this dried shell to collect juice (kallu) from palm trees. Earthen pots are used to share water. Now a day metallic utensils made up of aluminum, copper, bronze are also used to store water and cook food. They use kodavali (sickle), goddali (axe) for cutting wood and big knives to cut the bamboo they also use kodavali (sickle), tholika (weed remover), nagali (plough) in daily agricultural activities. For hunting Konda reddis use banaam (Arrow) and villu (Bow). Other important implements used by Konda reddi include showel digging, stick, spade, crowbar etc. Apart from traditional implements Konda reddis are also using mechanical tractors to plough the soil and powder guns in hunting, to hunt the speed and wild boar, wild sheeps, bisoms etc., FAMILY: Family is a primary social group, universally recognized to be basis of all human endeavour and activities. The concept of family has been found to exist since time immemorial and at all the levels of cultures. Father is the head of the family. Descent is patrilineal if the descent is traced through father in every generation it is called patrilineal descent or agnatic descent. Inheritance of property is also through father (male) line. The rule of residence is patrilocal. However, when a man acquires his mate through ‘illitam’ or marriage by service. Where the son-in-law agrees to stay either forever or far a fixed period in his father-in-law’s house after marriage looking after his assets usually, this practice is confined to families having no male children. Traditionally, joint families were common but now a days the nuclear families are predominant among the Konda reddi. Non local is common after marriage all sons share the fathers property equally i.e, male equigeniture. If a man dies without a male heir, his property goes to his brothers or their sons. The daughters do not have any right to inherit the parental property. Monogamous families are most particular in Konda reddis. Monogamy is a preferential marriage rule but polygyny is also observed. So one can notice polygynous family along with monogamous families in the Konda reddis societies. But polygynous families are out numbered by monogynomous families. The father or elder male number enjoys the authority full authority rests in the hands of male. Women have no decision making power, but she is consulted by man regarding decisions. Every decision regarding house hold either it is economical, social religious are ceremonial, the decision making power to family income she has little or no control over family expenditure. Thus decisions regarding family affairs are taken by father or eldest male member of the family in consultation with family members. Though the family as an institution is permanent and universal in all human societies it has undergone certain changes with in itself as an association. Thus compositional and structural changes sometimes take place within a family organization. The modern type of family formed among Konda reddi of Andhra Pradesh, is a typical example of this kind of change the traditional joint family has changed over to the small joint family or nuclear family in the recent decades of this century, but this change has been basically structural. The functions of the family however, have not been much disturbed inspite of the structural changes in the family. Under the impact of acculturation and increase in contact with caste population and other process of change, the concept of family has undergone drastic transformations not only in Konda reddis but all over the tribes of India. But inspite of the changes in the farm and structure of the family, family as on institution continues in one way or the other and it will continue. The following table gives the various types of Konda reddi families classified on the basis of specific criteria. SPECIFIC CRITERIA TYPE OF KONDA REDDI FAMILY Marriage - Monogamous family & polygynous Family Descent - Patrilineal family Residence - Patrilocal & Neo local Authority - Paternal family Succession - Patrilineal family Composition - Nuclear family & extended family (joint family) KINSHIP:- Kinship is defined as the connection or relationship between persons by blood or marriage. If the kin is related by blood it is called consanguineal kinship relation when the kins are related by marriage or by affinal relationship, the kinship relation is called affinal. All societies recognize there kinship relationships with certain limitation. In primitive societies, kinship relations are blood based and hence it is called broced range kinship .Again cognates are persons descended from the same ancestors or ancestress. If cognates are traced in male line, they are referred to as agnates and if cognates are traced in female line they are referred to as uterine kin. Kinship terminology forms an important part in the whole kinship system as it serves as an index to understanding of the kinship relation and patterns of behavior among various kin groups. The Konda reddis maintain cordial relations with their kins and use specific terms to refer the relationship between the individuals and address them accordingly there are difference between the addressing of people, younger and elder to the person involved. The Konda reddis kinship terms are same as caste communities of telugu people because as we earlier saw that telugu is the mother tongue of Konda reddis the following terms which are commonly used by Konda reddis are recorded along with its English meaning. KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY: Subjects (ego) generation KONDA REDDI (Telugu term) ENGLISH MEANING Bartha, Mogudu Husband Barya, Pendlamu Wife Thammudu Brother Anna Elder Brother Chelli Sister Akka/Appa Elder Sister Maradhalu Younger female cross - cousin Bava Older Male cross - cousin TRANSANDING GENERATION: Kodalu Daughter in law Alludu Son in law Vadina Elders brothers wife Maradhulu Younger brother’s wife Vadina Husbands elder sister (or) wife’s elder sister Mardhalu Husbands younger sister (or) Wife’s younger sister Bava Husbands elder brother (or) Wife’s elder brother Savithi Co-Wife Thodalludu Co-son-in-law ASCENDING GENERATIONS: Amma, Thalli Mother Nanna, thandri Father Attha Father’s sister (or) wives mother Mama, mavayya Mother’s brother (or) wives father Nanmma Father’s mother Amamma Mother’s mother Tatha Mother’s father (or) Father’s father DESCENDING GENERATION: Kuthuru Daughter (or) Brother Daughter Koduku Son (or) Brother Son Menalludu Sisters son. Mena kodalu Sisters daughetr Manumudu Sons (or) daughter’s son They use the terms pedda, nadipi and chinna as a prefix to address the eldest middle or intermediate and youngest person respectively while dressing their parents brother or sister or other kinds depending on the birth order or referred individual. Rediff brown (1952) was of the opinion that the unit of structure from which a kinship system is built up is the group called elementary family consisting of a man and his wife and their child or children whether they are living together or not within the elementary family he saw three kinds of relationships that between parent and child, that between children of the same parents (siblings) and that between husband and wife as parents of the same child or children. In his perspective Konda reddi society can be viewed as an ensemble of elementary family units the Konda reddi family is a social unit comparing of the intermediate kinsfolk like mother, father and children. Demographic and ecological factors have their due role in shaping of the Konda reddi society as every member in the Konda reddi society is directly or indirectly linked each other in the social network institutionalized relations within the social web are reflected in their kinship terminology “(Refer kinship terminology of Konda reddi)”. Some of the usages, which have social sanction and convention are considered necessary for keeping order and decorum in the society. Those usages which are related to behaviors between kin relation are called as kinship behaviors in the society there are different types of families and various degrees of kin groups exhibit different types of behavior by cutting joke with each other or exhibit avoidance relationship and such usages verbal or non verbal constitute kinship behavior some of the kinship behavior which are universal are also found in Konda reddi society such as avoidance and joking relationship. Konda reddis observed a kind of restrained or avoidance behavior towards a daughter-in-law towards a mother-in-law, father-in-law, younger brother’s wife etc., clear cut distance is maintained between younger sister in law and elder brother in law, and elder brother in law and younger sister in law (wifes younger sister). Similarly some kind of avoidance is shown in between son in law and his mother in law. Societies have sometimes diametrically opposite to the attitude or behavior patterns one such opposite to the attitude of avoidance is relationship of an extreme degree of familiarity expressed through joking relationship between certain kin relations. Such joking relationship is observed in Konda reddi society. In Konda reddi society joking may amount to deep satire, taunt, exchange, of abuse, obscene and vulgar references to sex. Konda reddis observe joking relationship between consanguinal groups such as grand children and grand patterns, younger brother in law and elder sister in law and wife and husband. A joking relationship when not reciprocal exercises a social control as it exercises correction through Ridicule Radeliffe Brown regards the joking relationship as having symbolic meaning joking relations may be only a kind of friendliness expressed by a show of hostility. In Konda reddis kinship can be based on unilateral descent. Konda reddi society is patrilineal society. Patrilineal descent affiliates him with a group in which a descent is traced only through males only. The Konda reddi may have found that in the male work solitarily is more important for them. This is clearly seen in their control of allocation of goods and their role in offence and defence that are most critical to the maintenance and protection of their ways of life. This seems to be directly reflected in the high incidence of the misilocal residence rule which ultimately produces the patrilocal family among Konda reddis. Konda reddis have extensive kinship networks. They have kins in more than five villages. The kinship relation between villages are established through affinal relations ie., marriage links. Marriage plays a very important role in kinship networks of Konda reddi. For example a Konda reddi family in koruturu village polavaram mandal (WG) have kins in more than ten villages viz., sivagiri (WG), Manturu(EG), Madipalli(EG) vadapalli(WG), Tekuru(WG), cheeduru(WG), Errametha(EG), Ampalem(WG) etc., Like wise a Konda reddi family in sivagiri village of polavaram mandal (WG) has kinship relations in Udathapalli(WG), Konda Madhalu(EG), Sarugudu(WG), Perantala palli, Cheeduru(WG), Tekuru(WG), Jeediguppa, Mulagalagudam(WG) etc., villages. DIAGRAMMATIC REPRESENTATION OF KINSHIP RELATIONS Fig-1: Kinship relations between Koruturu and other villages Fig-2: Kinship relations between Sivagiri and other villages MARRIAGE: Marriage may be defined as publicity recognized and culturally Sanctioned union between a male and female which is intended to be enduring to give primary ( but not necessarily exclusive) sexual rights in each other to the couple , and to fulfill further social functions. The Konda reddi follow strict endogamy at community level is didn’t marry outside his/her community. The community endogamy is commonly approved and sanctioned by the Konda reddi society the breach of which is considered the breach of law. The sanctions may range from communication from tribe or excommunication from village if the village is homogenous Konda reddi village. The tribal communal or tribal head made sanctions and order other society people not to talk, exchange things, maintain relations etc., with the excommunication, breach of which face several legal sanctions. In marriage endomogy is allowed at village level and community level endogamy is not allowed at gotra level & surname level exogamy is allowed at village level gotra level and surname level but exogamy is seriously restricted at community level any breach of the above marriage rules may lead to legal sanctions by society head. Monogamy is the preferential form of marriage where as polygyny also allowed. Serial monogamy is practiced by Konda reddis. Konda reddis limit themselves to one wife at a place .In case of divorce or death of wife a Konda reddi marries again and again and remains to be monogamous. Polygyny exists in two specialized variations, sororal polygyny and non sororal polygyny. Sororal polygyny is a variety of polygyny in which the multiple wives of Konda reddi are sisters. Non sororal polygyny is a variety of polygyny in which the multiple wives of a Konda reddi are not sisters. In the sororal polygyny form of marriage the wife of Konda reddi encourages him to marry her sister (or) in order to avoid the division of parental property. This arrangement is to avoid unnecessary clashes between sisters regarding the property. But this happens only when all the siblings are females without a single male to inherit the property .But this is not the universal case in Konda reddi society. There is no consanguinity marriage between parallel cousins i.e., among brothers children or among sisters children .cross cousin marriage (FSD and MBD) are more common and occasionally maternal undines marriages are also observed. Sarorate is socially approved in Konda reddi society levirate is in vogue. The preferential method of acquiring a mate among the Konda reddi is by negotiation in Konda reddi society obtaining a spouse by negotiation involves long procedure depending upon the talks of either parties. The boy’s parents put forward the proposal and starts the successful negotiation marriage is usually performed in the house of the bridegroom. The other methods acquiring mates among the Konda reddi are by capture mutual love and elopement and by exchange except for other methods there seems no ceremonial attachment. Marriage by capture is quite common in Konda reddi society. The women whom the Konda reddi captured by force from other village is called Thepalle. Three seems inter village clashes in the cases of marriage by capture. Then the heads of both villages meet and solve the problem through negotiations .Till then one cannot marry thepalle .After successful resolution between two villages then one can marry thepalle .Sometimes negotiations are subjected to failure. Three exists both bride price and dowry in Konda reddi society. Bride price ie., oil is paid to the parents of the bride. Bride price may be in terms of cash and kind. But now a days due to constant interaction with caste people and cultural change dowry become common and over ride the traditional bride price concept dowry is in both cash and kind .Cultivate land and cattle include or occupy major part in the marriages of Konda reddi societies. Child marriages are not observed in Konda reddi societies. As we earlier discussed monogamy as well as polygyny are observed usually leader of a village or a relatively rich and land owning man marries more than one girl generally the first wife is chosen and formally married by the man while the second and other wives are the sisters of the first wife or those whom he eloped .Thus unlike first marriage .Second marriage and third marriage activity or attachment. TYPE OF ECONOMY: Agriculture especially “podu” or shifing cultivation is the main stay of the Konda reddi settled cultivation is mainly practiced by those living in foothill areas or near plains of river godavari. Forest labour collection and sale of minor forest produce are other important sources of livelihood. Many of them are engaged in the bamboo basket weaving and rope making as supplementary avocations and sell them in the weekly markets. Their economy is still largely subsistence oriented and production is far self consumption rather than for the market. Their method of agriculture is known as podu (Slash and burn or swidden cultivation), which is supplemented by hunting and gathering. The technology is still simpler as swiddening does not any sophisticated technological input. In villages with plain land the reddis practice non irrigated settled agriculture. The major crops raised by Konda reddi are paddy(vari), Maize(Mokka zonna), Tubers(dumpalu), Millets like panicum miliare(Samalu), setaria italica (korralu), Eleusine Caracana(soda), guizotia sp (adusulu) pulseslike red gram (kandulu) green gram (pesalu) vegetables like brinjal (vangalu), chillies (pachimirapa) etc.,. Although there is hunting and gathering in Konda reddi society but the bulk of their diet comes from foods that are cultivated perhaps 90% or more other diet consists of domesticated rather than wild foods, paddy, maize are by far the most important food in the diet. The Konda reddi are constantly looking for potential podu sites. Most new podu sites are in fact discovered by hunters. The land far a neo site should not be heavily covered with bushes which is difficult to remove the larger trees should not be numerous either as it takes a good deal of work to chop them down ideally the new site should have very light jungle cover should be well drained near a source of drinking water and relatively free of thorny under brush the Konda reddi call a site “ Konda podu “ or baadava. The first operation in making a podu site is to cut the smaller trees and brush the bigger trees gummadi & vedhuru are left standing until the under brush is removed. Then the big trees are felled with axes and left lying on the ground to dry out in the sun, but bamboo or vedhuru is transported to houses to built fences weave baskets etc., The Konda reddi usually fell the big trees toward the end of the wet season. In general the clearing of the land tends to be an activity done during the wet season while the burning is done during the dry season but this schedule is by no means rigorous. An adequate burning can be achieved at the peak of the rainy season provided that there are two days of sunshine in succession. The dead bush and the leaves of the large trees dry out rather quickly in the sun provided that they have been laying on the ground for a sufficiently long period of time the trunks of the trees which are never burnt serve as brain derives between individual podu plots. After the bush has dried out and the larger trees felled the portable limber and bushes are gathered up into two piles and burnt. The ashes are not scaltered to improve soil fertility. Each man clears his own land brothers will usually adjacent portions of land and if their father is still living his garden will be among theirs. Thus there requires a lot of pain to raise and maintain a podu plot. That’s why shifting cultivation become less important and tendency towards podu is decreasing day by day in Konda reddi society. The main problem of shifting cultivation is its irrigation. It is not possible to irrigate the podu plots that why one has two depend on rainfall results in successfully crops that’s why Konda reddis are preferring the settled cultivate lands near river godavari than podu cultivation. Konda reddi raising maize pulses, grams etc.,. In podu cultivation and paddy, maize, pulses, vegetables, in settled cultivate lands. The settled cultivate lands near the river godavari gets water from it. Thus irrigated settled cultivate lands increases the crop field per season than podu cultivation. As godavari river is flowing through hills and gorgers now a days Konda reddis using motor pumps to lift the water to fields from the gauges of rivers godavari government also giving loans and financing the Konda reddi to purchase motor pumps apart from this government also taking steps to curb shifting cultivation by restricting human activity through national forest policy and by declaring certain areas of the hill forests as reserve forests. Apart from the cultivation hunting and gathering plays an important role in Konda reddi economy by supplementing them with meat protein. Konda reddi hunts in the near by hilly forests. They hunt wild sheep (Konda gorre) wild goat (Konda meka) wild boar (adavi pandhi), rabbit, fowls, birds, etc., of late due to deforestation and restrictions on human activities in reserve forest areas the game of hunting gradually discanaged. Only on festive occasions such as “Adavi Rajula Pandaga” to the forest gods men practice ceremonial communal hunting and catch hares wild boar etc.,. Traditionally Konda reddi used common bow and arrow to hunt the game. Now a days they are using guns, pistols etc., to hunt the medium games such as wild boars wild goat wild sheep etc., Usually during summer months ( April may & June) Konda reddis spend most of their time in collecting forest products and food gathering. The main forest products gathered include wild bamboo (Konda r vedhuru) they use this bamboo to build fences , houses, weaving baskets chopping the bamboos into small tiny sticks and selling them to agarbattis companies, making crafts, toys etc.,. Bamboo becomes an inseparable pant of Konda reddi daily life. Konda reddi also using this bamboo as flavor and delicacy in their dishes. The minor forest produce gathered include leaves such as Adda leaves for leaf plates yams like Adavi vairu , Savadi dhumpa, Donda Dhumpa, and other produce such as Sheekai, Soap nuts, hill brooms tamarind and honey. They also collect mangoes, jeedi mamidi, citrus, fruits from the forest. POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: Anthropology emerged in the eighteenth century as an empirical reaction to deductive social and political philosophy. From the beginning its relations with Political science were thus very close. The forerunners were such men as Vico, Turgot, Montesquieu and David Hume, who were dissatisfied with the speculative methods to which social philosophy was then wedded, for more than a century. Political Philosophers had based their theories of law and Government on such fictions as the state of nature and the social contract, their methods of argument being speculative. Thus the same postulates gave support to such philosophies which favored absolutism, oligarchy and Plebeian democracy. In his Spirit of the Laws, Montesquieu tried to formulate Universal relations which hold between legal states and their social and ecological environments. In this inquiry, he employed materials from simple societies with rudimentary political institutions as well as from those which were more organized in exposition he tried to demonstrate. The interdependence of such social institution as law, religion, economy with one another and with their ecological frame work, using historical materials, Vico identified a series of phases through which he thought all dynamic societies would necessarily pass, an he also tried to show how legal institutions were molded by the history of their social context. The Scottish Anthropologists sought to combine the approaches of Vico on human society and they also tried to delimit stages of its development. Much of their interest focused on the differences between the Societies with centralized institution and those acephalous communities which Philosophers regard as forms in a state of nature. Thus from the start Anthropology has been identified with the study of human social variation and its development of Government and polities. It was especially concerned with the study of those simpler peoples whose modes of life and organization corresponded most closely to the Philosophical conceptions of the state of nature by studies which range from these most rudimentary societies to include the most complex modern or historical states. Anthropologists still seek to isolate the genuine features and conditions of social life, to demonstrate the course of its development in addition, following the example of Montesquieu, we seek to trace the relation which hold between various aspects of social life and to determine the influence of differences of habitat, population size, density, or technology in similar or different types of social and cultural organization. Given these interests, it would seem an essential first task for Anthropologists to determine the variety of social and cultural types. However, during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries these was no tradition of Anthropological field study, and the Scholars of those days carried out their investigations at home. With the field reports available to them in constructing their social typologies, they first emphasized differences in modes of livelihood and political organization and then employed these taxonomies to facilitate theories of social development and evolution. We are still indebted to the evolutionary Anthropologists of the late nineteenth century for the gross classifications and developmental scheme that we casually employ of these evolutionary theorists, Sir Henry Maine and Lewis Henry Morgan (1877) are of special interest to us here. In his view, Henry Maine explained that the earliest social groups were familiar units headed by primitive hordes, whose joint decisions also regulated community affairs devoid of any formal definitions of Government or law, but sought to demonstrate their substance in primitive conditions. He made no effort to identity any single factor as the determinist of social development and also confined his inquiries to the early patrilineal societies of Indo European speaking peoples. He therefore presented a theory of historical evolution limited to a particular case. The American Anthropologist Henry Morgan Advanced a global theory based on his field work and studies of kinship terminologies. He began by distinguishing two stages of political formulations called societas and later civitas wherein the earlier stage was organized by the kin rules while the later societies show structured Governments formalized laws and an organized system of territorial relations and property. Morgan was not the only global evolutionist whose theory required an account of the origin of the state. Herbert Spencer also shared this problem. Spencer identified process of social growth with serial compounding of social aggregates. Some Anthropologists decided to study contemporary societies and their concerns of formulating political organizations at first hand. This new tradition of field work brought in Bronislaw Malinowski (1915), made the greatest contribution to Anthropology. In studying political organization among simple people with a limited social differentiation the Anthropologist has to make careful distinctions between the political order and other forms and phases. Only through micro analysis these forms of political and social control which are more the less important in some societies, are submerged in activities which have quite different bases and purpose. For example, bonds of kinship may regulate relations of property, marriage collective responsibility, compensation and the like. The more the social order depends upon its forms like ritual beliefs and economic organizations that embody a certain order which may be highly relevant to the analysis of political organization. Such conditions relevant to the analysis of social control and pan tribal sodalities, we distinguish them specifically in understanding political organization. By comparative analysis, the Anthropologist seeks to clarify his concepts to develop hypotheses, and to formulate models of social structure and process which may then be tested in field researches of other societies. He seeks also to develop generalization about social processes which later study may refine and extend. Though traditionally concerned with simple societies the Anthropologist seeks a theory may apply to all and for several years, anthropologists have engaged in field studies of complex industrial systems. It is clear from the summary that the Anthropological approach to political studies has been primarily empirical. Radcliffe- Brown in his preface to the book edited by Mayor Fortes and Evans Pritchard defines political organization as “that aspect of the total organization which is concerned with the control and regulation of the use of physical force…..A political system involves a set of relations between territorial groups… in dealing with political system, therefore we are dealing with law on the one hand and with war on the other but these are certain institution such as regulated vengeance, which come between the two in seeking to define the political structure in a simple society we have to look for a territorial community which is united by rule of law but in some societies such a political community is indeterminate”. In the 20th century two major schools of thought emerged within political anthropology. One focus on the development of different political structures (structuralist approach) and the other focus on political processes and decision making (processural approach). Other types of analysis range from network analysis, event analysis and the like. Anthropologists like Leslie White and Julian Steward also focused on the political structures. Two major anthropological figures, Elman Service and Morton Fried, defined the field of political evolution in two seminal works, Service’s primitive social organization (1962) and Fried’s the evolution of political society (1967). The evolutionary scheme of Band, Tribe, Chiefdom, and State correspond to the Egalitarian system, Ranked systems and Stratified systems. These books introduced a model for classifying different levels of political organization i.e. used by anthropologists even today. The present study is an attempt to understand the political life of the Koya, one of the important tribal groups of Andhra Pradesh in the Godavari districts. The study is conducted with the following objectives: Objectives: To study the existing political structures among the Koya in the selected villages, To understand the processes of political function, To analyze the patterns of leadership, and To elicit the influence of several winds of change among the Koya. Methodology: Village Mamidigondi of Polavaram mandal and village Penikilapadu of Devipatnam mandal on either side of river Godavari are selected for the present study by convenient sampling. Conventional anthropological techniques like participant observation, interviews, and case studies are employed in this study. Schedules are canvassed to collect the socio-economic data. Several political leaders from different groups among the Koya are interviewed along with the common householders on issues of social control, law and order and extraneous issues like displacement and rehabilitation. Audio and visual recording of relevant political events is covered during the fieldwork. CHAPTER – III SPIRITS, SOULS AND DEITIES RELIGIOUS ASPECTS: INTRODUCTION: These people or these Konda reddi are very traditional people who practice the customs and traditions very systematically. The each and every festival is celebrated collectively and without no caste or other feelings these people show differentiation in matrimonial aspects but they share collectively every other aspects even the foot at the feast. ANIMISM: This is the type of worship found in Konda reddis they worship the human who are great men are people in the past so small shines are seen in remembrance of the great ones these are worshipped in many ways and are remembered in different aspects in every year. SPIRITS: They are very cautious about the malevolent & benevolent spirits. The malevolent spirits may harm them is their belief so in order to be protected from them they worship the benevolent spirits. They are Pothuraju Gangalamma Thalli Dasarathudu Mavullamma Thalli Muthyalamma Thalli Sri Rama Shiva Posamma Thalli Musalamma Thalli Janakalamma Thalli Raju Kodukulu THE SUPER NATURAL POWERS & BLACK MAGIC: The children and even adults feel ill health then they believe that this is caused due to the super natural powers. In order to gain some things or to gain some offerings sacrifices these sufferings are caused. So, they go to the village head called “Shaman”. So, he performs some black magic santhi and thus he says that the natural spirits may leave the persons. So, in some cases even they offer the animal sacrifices too. So, for this they offer 200 to 300 rupees to the “Shaman”. He plays an important role in the Konda reddi society. He just lives on the people playing these simple tricks known as “Black magic”. He just uses some turmeric, ash, vermilion, neem to drive the disease or the spirit from the host body. The Gods and Goddess whom they worship are described as below Pothuraju: This is the male god who was worshipped as the village god he is placed in the middle of the village. He is known for his braveness and strength. The special thing is that the idol is made or carved out of a specific tree called “Somi”. He was given much importance in the matrimonial aspects. This curving resembles the Sivalingam in its shape. Every married couple after the marriage are brought near the shrine of pothuraju are were made to perform their poooka towards him. So, that they may be blessed with good children and pleasant life. Gangalamma Thalli: This was the female diety who was placed at the entrance and worshipped in case of protection. They say that this deity protects the village people during floods and droughts. Even in case of diseases they offer sacrifices far the sake of relief. Yearly once gather was performed and scarifying a goat or sheep is compulsory. This was cooked in the surroundings of the shrine and was served in a specially weaved palm leaves for the whole village But the special thing is that the food is cooked only by men. The women are kept away and considered as pollution. The cooking and serving are all done by men only. This goddess is just shapeless and out of the stone. Turmeric and vermilion are applied every day bangles mainly red colours are offered to the goddess. Dasrathudu: This is the male God. He was placed in the outskirts of the village near the foot hills the are the man who go for hunting and the woman who go for gathering the forest products like tamarind, sikaya , gum, honey, fire wood, and then they go for their work. He is also said that he was the father of king Rama and some say that he is know n for his mercy and serving the poor. Mavullamma Thalli: This is female Goddess. She has no shape and placed in the middle of the village. She is just given importance during the festival. She is also offered the turmeric and vermilion during the pooja at festival periods. Durgamma Thalli: This was the female Goddess who is placed near the foot hills sacrificial matters are well practiced. Mainly the temples or the shrines were cleaned and worshipped by the priests from Konda reddy tribe. This durgamma thalli idol is shape less but just it resembles a round shaped stone fully covered with turmeric. At the time of festival s sacrificial food is collectively cooked by men and served in leaves called “ADDA”. Mutyalamma Thalli: This is not a idol but it is just a tree named “Gadigi”. This is near to the hill and worship by every one in the village who depend upon the forest products like gum, bamboo, fire wood, honey & even meat of wild animals. This mutyalmma thallus does not have any shape just it is placed in between the fields in the bushes. This goddess has more importance among all the gods over there in that village. On the day of “Ugadi” or “Kotha Amavasya” the priest should be in fasting and he offers the cooked rice and other things like bananas, coconuts, turmeric, vermilion, etc., were offered to his Goddess. The priest is the first man in the village to worship or perform prayers to the goddess. Next day 3.00 pm all the villages buy a goat or big collectively to sacrifice it and make feast. This money was collected by raising funds from the villagers. This meat is shared equally to all the houses. The sacrificial meat is separated from the other meat so that this may be eaten by the special persons. Even the Christians are invited to the feast are the meat is given to them the meat shared them is not offered to god. Posamma Thalli: These female goddess lies to the east of the village in the outskirts. She is having a definite female deity shape. She is worshipped especially on the “Ugadhi” or “Mamidi Pandaga” She was offered sarees and bangles along with the turmeric and vermilion. She is worshipped the ladies in order to live happily with their husbands ie., as “Punyasthri”. They have a belief that she protects the village from the attack of evil spirits so that she lives in the out skirts.The idol is carved out of stone and with definite shape of a female in the sitting posture. Musalamma Thalli: This is also considered as the female Goddess. This deity have no shape but made of stone which has gained a round shape on gradual rubbing due to the cleaning done by the people. She is placed in the middle of the village. The nose and the eyes seem to be carved on that rock they say that this deity has came out from the earth she is also offered the bangles and turmeric and vermilion at every festival the followers are locally gathered. Yankalamma Thalli: She is also a female goddess this is believed that she protects the fields and their crops from the predators. So, that they may not die of starving. This goddess is situated in between the fields away from the households. She is just around rock placed between the bushes there is no shelter or temple. She is worshipped during the season of going seeds and even at the time of harvesting too the first fruits or yield is just offered to the deity. They believe that the good yield is because of the mercy of this deity. Raju kodukulu: This god is special among all these gods they say that the name Raja kodukulu or originated due to the things which these gods give to their people they say this god is so powerful and rich and always when the offer turmeric & vermilion and say their needs .the needs are all fulfilled. In the past this God is said as the mothers house for a woman who is need. It doesn’t have any shape but it is placed near the hills .there is a saying that this God had helped the woman who are thrown out from the houses because only lack of gold or dowry. So, this god use to offer them gold articles and after their use they should clean it with water and placed inside the turmeric and vermilion and should be returned back to the god. But in case of some greedy woman she offered it with out any cleaning so, that situation become angry and that was the last time. They offer a goat or pig at that time to cool up the god. If this sacrifice is not performed the god comes on any women (possession) and asks of the balli. Sri Rama: The idols of sita, Lakshmana and Anjeneya are seen along with idol of Rama. This temple is in middle of the streets. There was priest who is from the same tribe Konda reddy the individual prayers are beings offered daily by the houses in the near by. The “Sita Rama” is celebrated as fabulous as in Badrachalam this was conducted by or organized by the Konda reddy priest. On the day of “sri rama kalyanam” special liquid called ranakam. This was famous festival time the village is decorated with lightings and banana plants. Shiva: It was the male God. This shrine is situated south to that village in the outskirts of the village. Only on “Shiva ratri” this lord shiva is worshipped. He plays much importance during funerals. POLLUTION AND RULE OF BRAHMINS: The married person after deaths are burned and the unmarried are buried. The ceremony of the dead is performed by the family members on eleventh day or else after one year. Brahmin is invited and he only performs. This all duties during funerals and ceremonies Brahmins are given much importance during this funerals these are offered money for performing this ceremonies. Marriages rites are performed by the Brahmins is they are so poor this is performed by barbers also. The priest in the village is given much importance during each and every festive aspects After delivery until eleven days they consider these days as “Maillu” so no festivals or matrimonial aspects are not performed or else they are not invited. The delivery is done by “Mantrasani”. She is almost 50 years old The priesthood is hired by the generations. Commonly as all the other tribes they also burry their dead in their own grounds or land. No special burial grounds are seen. The spirits and there deadly effects are observed & treated by Arjaya (Mantrikudu). CHAPTER – IV LIFE CYCLE CEREMONIES PREGNANCY: There is no specific pre delivery ritual in Konda reddi the pregnant woman continuous with her ordinary work almost till the six month from sixth month she will be given more rest and not slowed to work in the fields. She has very few privileges or duties during the months of pregnancy. The Pregnant lady is not allowed to go out of the house or move on the day of solar or lunar eclipse .She has supposed to observe some simple rules of diet , she should avoid mangoes, papaya , the jack fruit which night make the child dribble later on the brinjal which will make it itch. DELIVERY: The Konda reddi conduct delivery at home .As soon as a child is born, the woman in attendance called “Dhay” cuts the umbilical chord, either with a knife or sharpened bamboo only on the next morning she washes the child with warm water, oil is applied to the body of the child and warm the child before fire. The mother and baby are given bath every day but confined to their house umbilical chord falls that is usually till tenth day. Two or three days after confinement a woman is given the bark of the “jalbu tree” to chew and this it is believed prevents fever or pain. At the end of the period of impurity whether it has lasted four or five days a domestic ceremony is performed first the mother replasters the floor of the house with cow dung bathes in a steam washes her clothes and then cooks food for the first time after the confinement. NAMING: An important moment in the development of a Konda reddi couple towards complete domesticity is the giving of a name to their child. This is done some times on the very day of birth after five days sometimes when the umbilical stump falls off. The depends on economic rather then ceremonial considerations whether or no rice /maize is ready for a feast if there is a supply of beer or wine at hand whether a fowl or pig can be obtained. The actual business of naming is done by a maternal relative the mothers brother or sister and her brothers son or daughter usually take part .Actually the names include of dead ancestors Gods and Goddess for male children they use suffix Reddi and there is no suffix for female children . Now a days there is a lot of change in naming due to the process of acculturation the young couple are now naming their children with their modern names especially tose of actors and actress. Even though the young are happy with the names the old generation who still yellow the traditions are in a state of confusion and dilemma. They feel bad that the names of the newly born are not of there ancestors. Even the old people face problems in calling and remembering the names. There is no thread wearing and circumcision among Konda reddis but man dan ceremony for both male and female is performed at home during third year after the child birth. PUBERTY After attaining first menarche girl is confined in a separate hut called “Saratha gudise”. She has to sleep and sit on palm leaves brought by maternal uncle. He has to bring seven palm leaves (THATI AKULU) representing seven days in a week. She is not allowed to touch utensils and eat only boiled ragi in a leaf plate. Gents are not allowed into samartha gudisa girls are allowed in hut but they are not allowed to touch the girl. Konda reddi strictly observed the pollution. On the seventh or ninth day she throws away leaf plates used for taking food during pollution in the steam, takes bath and offers gifts and prays to the village deity. Her maternal uncle presents new clothes and priest sprinkles turmeric water on the girl to remove pollution. After the purificatory bath the hut is burnt. Past puberty marriages are always held but parents of the bride and bride groom may arrange engagements even before puberty. MARRIAGE: Among the Konda reddi there seems to be little ceremonial attachment to the marriage negotiations. Usually marriage takes place at bride grooms house. Initially the boy along with parents and village elders go to girl’s house and propose the match and negotiate bride price are dowry with her parents. If the girls parents accepts the proposal they fix another day for formal engagement .If girls parents rejects the proposal then the bride grooms or boys parents return to their house without taking any meal at girls house on the day of formal engagement boys parents and elders visit girl house and present few liters liquor, new clothes to girl the elders of girls village assemble ad the decision is informed to every one in the village. On the day of marriage the party arrives at the girls house and after greeting the inmates and having their feet washed, they sit down over a pipe of tobacco. As a rule, the bride grooms party presents the girls parents with some beads turmeric and vermilion the barber trims finger and toe nails of the bridal couple ancients their hair after cold water has been poured over the couple he fills their hands with grain which they throw at each other. He then takes the “pusthe” (a small gold or silver locket, strung on a saffron coloured thread) and ties it around of the bride. After the tying of the pusthe the couple are considered husband and wife. Early next morning the bride groom and bride are given in a ceremonial bath. On that night grooms party provide a non vegetarian dinner to all relatives and tribes men in the village and serve liquor also. All of them drink and dance to the tune of drums till late night. Then, bride groom are sent in to house for a formal nuptial ceremony. Usually the marriage ceremony is conducted by a priest from the local telugu caste people. Now a days they use drums only in few cases music by hired mike during marriage ceremony though it is not traditional which a change is brought due to culture contact (or) acculturation. But this is an elaborate process and only few Konda reddis who are sound at money do this. In the remote villages of Konda reddi the marriage ceremony neither is nor conducted by a priest but by a barber or by a washer because priests refuse to walk milesand miles crossing the hilly terrain. So the Konda reddi of remote villages conduct marriage ceremonies by barber and washer. There is no elaborate process of marriage ceremony in remote villages on plains or at foot hills. DIVORCE: Divorce is permitted and either wife or husband can demand divorce. The causes for divorce are mal adjustments between wife and husband elopement of wife with some other man suspected adultery and impotency or barrenness of wife usually the elders of the village head man of the tribe solves problems such as divorce ,theft, rape, elopement etc., in case of divorce children are liability of father. Usually, divorce or separation is announced by headman after approval of elders. At first headman tries to resolve the quarrels between wife and husband and advice them to live for six months to one year to resolve their disputes. Even then the couple wants to take divorce then the headman announce their separation. There is no concept of compensation in Konda reddi society. Widow, widower and divorce remarriage is permitted and one can remarry any number of times. It is observed in several cases that two to three sisters are married to some man of late due to contact with non tribals the practice of polygyny and child marriage are declilning. There is an increase in divorce with judicial approval. DEATH: Konda reddi observe pollution for three to nine days after death of an individual in a family and do not go to other villages during the period. Usually the dead are leumied and in few cases cremation is observed. They carry corpse on a stretcher made of bamboo poles and all relatives participate in death ceremony women also participate in the funeral at the burial ground. The eldest son of the deceased throws the first clod of the earth in to the grave and when it has been filled up some millet (Sama) is scattered over the top four or five days afterwards a little food is brought to the place by the relatives and hastily thrown away three weeks later, the “pedda dinam” is performed and the funeral feast is hosted. The “Vejju” (Magico-religious priest) is called to conduct the death rituals. The vejju sits and speaks to the spirit of the dead asking the cause of his dead. After wards the of the deceased family take the food to the jungle and place under a large “pala” tree. Old people and those who attained natural death are cremated while children are pregnant woman and those died to chronic disease death rituals are not followed. Konda reddi believe in the immortality of soul and leaves the body only after it is offered food on ninth day. Eating non-vegetarian food during pollution period is forbidden widow should not dress her hair and family does not celebrate any festival. It is not compulsory to host feast on tenth day ie., pedda karma. Rich people host the feast to relatives and villagers on tenth day but others who cannot offer can do the ritual or feast whenever they feel they have enough or sufficient resources. Two or more people who do not host a feast on their kins death may combine do the ritual or feast the date depends on economic rather then ceremonial considerations, whether or no rice/maize is ready for a feast. If there is a supply of liquor at hand etc., Now a days as the ceremonies are becoming expensive some of the practices are curtailed or limited and simplicity is observed in rituals. CHAPTER – V FESTIVALS These festivals play an important role in these Konda reddi families or societies. Serving food collectivity All the villagers meet at specified place The mercy or expenditure is shared. The toddy is served to male & females without any differentiation These are the times they utilized for the sake of entertainment. They drink and dine collectively they perform the following festivals MAMIDI PANDAGA: This is called as “Ugadi” or kotha amavasya in our terms. This festival is not done at house hold level but at the village level every shrine is cleaned and deities are decorated and flowers play much role in the decoration this indicates the first of the mangoes . they just start eating on that day . this festival day is a day of cleaning every shrine and performing pooja to that deities in that village. This is commonly performed or celebrated in the month of March. BOOMATHA PANDAGA: This is called as “Sankranti” in our terminology this is celebrated in the month of January. Some cleaning is performed and collective sharing & cooking & sharing of food is seen. In this festival time, the seeds stared in the houses are collected and mixed in a tub and this is shared to every house after the offering. In this festival time the earth of the cultivate land is worshipped in order to give them good yield and being fertile so that may not stare in the case of scarcity. SRI RAMA KALYANAM: This is performed in the month of March. This is nothing but wedding anniversary of Sri Rama and his wife Seetha. These couple are known for their sincerity & monogamous relationship. So when this is celebrated in the Badrachalam at that same it is performed in that village. At that time the priest plays much important role during the marriage only ties the pusthe or matrimonial thread to the seethe saying that it was tied by Rama. On that day he reads out the stay of Rama and explores his great things to the people. SAMA KOTHA: This is performed during the month of December. PAPU KOTHA: This is also same performed during the month of March. This is the starting of the newly cultivated dalls like samalu & kandulu. When they get good yield they celebrate this kotha festival. They offer this new yield to their favorite Gods & Goddess. Thus they believe that the gods may give good yield. IMPACT OF CHRISTIANITY: The impact of Christianity is not up to the peak but it is being on a track. Mainly 40% of the families of the Konda reddi are Christians. The reason for this conversion is that they say that jesus had driven away their diseases mainly the dread full diseases which are left out by the doctors and many people who are waiting for children had conceived after praising jesus Christ and other cause is that in this Christianity they will not force to serve or sacrifice their cattle or crops. So in order to less up their daily expenditure they had converted to this Christianity. This impact of Christianity may become mare this can be known by the number of churches which are going on increasing only day by day. They all strictly follow this Christianity but any way they never force the other people to be converted. CHAPTER – VI CONCLUSIONS These Konda reddi are the people or the tribe who are now getting modernized. The culture and tradition are getting on disintegrating the modern traditions are getting on disintegrating the modern traditions and styles are showing much impact on that people. Their food habits, way of living, dressing styles, traditional methods of hunting & gathering are also disintegrating. In order to less up their daily expenditure they had converted to this Christianity. This impact of Christianity may become mare this can be known by the number of churches which are going on increasing only day by day. They all strictly follow this Christianity but any way they never force the other people to be converted. The religious aspects are sophisticated and the people are worshiping modern Gods like Sri Rama & Lord Shiva. The old traditions of worshipping are also outdated thus we cannot be able to study this culture after some years. B I B L I O G R A P H Y Haeimendorf – 1945: The Reddys of Bison Hills: “A study in Acculturation” – Mac Millan & Co., Ltd, London. Census of India 1981, Special Tables for Scheduled Tribes Serial – 2 A.P. Volume IX part (iii). S.S. Jaya Rao, Controller of publication, Delhi, 1988. “People of India – Andhra Pradesh” 2003. Edited by K.S. Singh / M.V. Krishna Rao, Volume – XIII Part (ii). ASI affiliated East-West press Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi. Fig.1: Investigator with Female Priest. Photography of Hindu deities and Gods – Impact of Acculturisation. Fig. 2(i): Possamma Thali : Well Know for Specific shape of Female in sitting posture. 2(ii) Pothuraju : Know for Protection & Security of the Village. Fig.3(i): Idol of Jesus Christ Worshipped by Converted Konda Reddi. 3(ii). Impact of Christianity – Sunday mass in a remote Tribal Village. Fig.4(i) : Deity – Musallamma Thali : Amidst Green fields. Worshipped for Good yield. 4(ii). Pothuraju : Broken Idols carved out of stone place in a small shrine at the entrance of the Village Tekuru (WG) Manturu (EG) Pallapuru (WG) Chintapalli (WG) Cheeduru (WG) Sivagiri (WG) KORUTURU Errametla (EG) Madipalli (EG) Chodavaram (EG) Ampalam (WG) Vaadapalli (WG) Geddapalli (WG) Parantalpalli (Kha) Mulagalagudem(WG) Vadapalli (WG) Ieediguppa (Kha) Sarugudu (WG) Kondamodhalu (EG) SIVAGIRI Koruturu (WG) Udathapalli (EG) Velakota (EG) Kondru kota (WG) Cheeduru (WG) Manturu (EG)